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Tuesday, August 13, 2013

The Illusion of Self-Governance

The Illusion of Self-Governance

(First posted in February 2010, Revised in March 2019)
Introduction
The objective of this note is to discuss whether people’s sovereignty truly and effectively exists in the political life of democracies currently practiced. People’s sovereignty is understood for the purpose of this essay as the governance of the people by the people, i.e. people’s supremacy in public administration. The use of the term democracy is avoided in this note to the extent possible; because of the many different ways it is understood, defined or practiced in different places, at different times, and by different people, for different purposes. It is hoped that, by such avoidance, those who give their own meaning to the term will not be able to do the same with the statements in this note.
A historical summary of the progression of the concept of people’s sovereignty is given below as a backdrop to the discussion in this note. An historical method may not be found original, unless we realize that the distinction between the past and the present is fictitious. The present immediately becomes the past, therefore, it is so minute, we can consider it either non-existing, or, consider the past continuing to exist in the present. It is more realistic to view the past and the present fused in a continuum. Therefore, the past and the present are presented in this note as the “evolving present”. Based on the experience of the "evolving present", I offer some observations on the state of the current practice in self-governance. As for the future, it is the "unknown", unlike the past and the present which are "knowable". Therefore, the future requires reasoned prediction (vision) and imagination. Accordingly, the future is presented here as “reasoning”.
             A selection of the dialectic on the topic is provided in the Annex, so are the thoughts of two greatest political leaders who fought for people’s sovereignty, T. Jefferson and M. K. Ataturk.
The Evolving Present
First period - Religious supremacy ( ? -1579)
The center of the universe for the thinking specie is him/herself. The world’s and life’s meaning, for all practical purposes, is his/her own security and prosperity. Men created religions because of uncertainty of security and prosperity, to remedy the pain from poverty, inequality, and oppression. Then the temporal power saw benefit in recruiting the power of religion for its own purposes. Religions welcomed the opportunity of using the temporal power as expedition forces paving the way for the expansion of their faith. The divine authority coupled with the temporal power of Rome, upon Rome’s adoption of Christianity in the 4th century. This event marked the beginning of the religious rule over men. In the 7th century, Islam was born, both as a divine and a political power combined in one. Political power made religion more rigid, dogmatic, intolerant, and even belligerent; all the opposites of what religions originally intended to do. Whether politics corrupted religion or the other way around is still debated. What is not debatable, however, is that religious despotism became the style of governance, and continued for about a millennium and a half. 
While the theocratic despotism continued throughout the 16th century, Luther raised objections to some Christian traditions within the clergy.  Calvin (1536 - Calvinism) and Henry VIII (1584 - Anglicanism) followed suit. Religious wars broke out in Europe until these factions agreed to recognize each other's existence with the Augsburg Treaty of 1555. However, the new system entrusted the choice of people's religion with the ruler of the countries. Thus started autocracy. 
Religions, certainly unable to solve the earthly problems, concluded that security and happiness are not realizable in this world and shifted that expectation to an unknown space, to afterlife. Religions’ credibility then became questionable among the people. Rulers possessing the power of religion over the people did not want to let that power go easily. Catherine de Medicis of France massacred 30.000 Huguenot Protestants on St. Bartholomew day 24-25 August 1572. The Huguenot leader Adm. Coligny’s head was sent to the Pope in Rome who celebrated the event together with 33 cardinals and festivities. This incident caused Huguenots to publish the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, in 1579, in which they declared the contractual nature of government, public sovereignty, protection of property, and even the right of resistance against unjust ruler.[1] Vindiciae may be the first written expression of public’s claim to self-governance, the realization of self-consciousness.
Scientific discoveries, which started with Copernicus’ theory of the universe (1512), also challenged the traditional beliefs in Christianity. In the 17th century, many were burnt at the stake by Vatican, like Giordano Bruno of Italy in 1600 for supporting Copernicus’ theory, Galileo was forced to abjure the Copernican theory (1633). Religion had nothing to do with human progress. [see C. Brinton, p. 119]
Thinkers of the 16th century -More, Erasmus, Montaigne, Bodin- started the dialectic on “Rights of Men”. They could only explain it with a metaphysical determinism and dualism: the ruler ruled with the authority delegated to him by God.
Paradoxically, during the same period that the West was awakening from the religious oppression, the Ottoman might in the East, in the person of Ferocious Sultan Selim I, repeated a comparable blunder Romans did 1500 years earlier, by acquiring the mantle of Khalif (the Muslim religious authority) after invading Arab and Egyptian lands in 1517. Sultans started to rule by the Koran. While the West was trying to get out of the dark ages, the East was entering it.
Second period - Rights of Men, Enlightenment (1579-1790)
Finally, the Westphalia Treaty of 1648 (credited for ending the so-called thirty years of religious wars, in fact ending one hundred and thirty years of religious wars) ended the divine right of rulers and opened the way to state supremacy, the nation-state.   Cromwell spearheaded the first uprising in England against the autocratic rulers who claimed power in the name of God (1649). 
The Enlightenment period took about two hundred years since the declaration of Vindiciae before public sovereignty could finally become the general rule of law. The period that started with the clergy and continued with autocracy ended with state authority, may it be delegated by people instead by God. People's sovereignty could not yet become the supreme authority.

            Freedom of thought was proclaimed as a general public will, and put on paper for the first time in the 1689 English Bill of Rights. The revolution against the despotic rulers produced the French (Lafayette’s) Bill of Rights in 1790, and the U.S. Bill of Rights in 1791.
Enlightenment ideas developed from Hobbes to Paine were: The ruler was not a natural or a divine phenomenon but was created by Men to provide protection to them. The individual is sovereign, but sovereignty is delegated –not transferred- to the ruler to enforce God’s law. The general will will be the guardian against an abuse of power by the ruler. Everyone, by absolute natural right, is the master of his own thoughts, but sometimes certain “inconveniences” will result from such an extensive liberty. Change by force will undermine democracy and freedom, moderation is suggested between freedom and authority for the sake of peace. Freedom should be controlled by an educated society, and by justice; common good can be achieved not by fictions like social contract and natural rights, but by education and social institutions. The separation of powers, parties and religion also prevent full working of democracy. Reasoning and rationality is required. Finally, the notion emerged that the social contract was entered not between the ruled and the ruler but between the ruled, and it was called the constitution. Governing was not for its own sake, or for national prejudice, but it was for national peace and national interests. (For details see Annex).
Third period - State supremacy (1790-1945)
Napoleonic wars that followed the French Revolution spread the liberation of men and of the mind in Europe, and in many parts of the world, e.g. nationalist movements in South America and the Balkans. The ensuing nationalism, industrialization, colonialism, mercantilism, and militarism plundered the world and subordinated men, this time, to state interests, for about hundred and fifty years from the American and French Constitutions until 1945 peace treaties of WWII.
During this period, men in large part did not live for the religious authority or the ruler any longer, but did not live for himself either. He/she lived for the state and its ambitions for world domination, despite the Bill of Rights.
The thinkers of the period that laid the groundwork for the next stage were from Hegel to Gramsci: People continue to be followers rather than leaders of society. States must hand over supremacy to the people in order to avoid violence. The general public is not trusted to make decisions because religion dominates the emotional side of society; intellectuals who will include religious emotions must rule. The will of the people is that of the majority, and yet any power is illegitimate; individual liberty is necessary for progress. The power of public opinion in democracy will suppress individual liberty. State authority backed by force cannot survive. Popular support is necessary, which requires a mass education. Men’s conscience is related to society, he decides what is best for the common good, government intervention must be minimal; this system will universalize, and nation-states will disappear. The improvements in this period were the protection of liberty and equality of the people, but of course by the state, the so-called social liberalism propounded by Keynes and Dewey. (For details see Annex)
Fourth period - Corporate supremacy (1945-2...)
1945 WWII peace treaties made good on the failed attempts of 1815 Vienna Congress, and of 1920 League of Nations to internationalize the rights of men. The UN Charter was adopted in 1945, and Human Rights Treaties, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights followed. Although these developments brought forward the importance of individualism, human rights did not globalize as easily as capital, labor, trade, and most importantly, communication did. The globalization of economy took precedence over the globalization of individual’s rights, including the right to prosperity. Men’s freedoms and rights were exploited by the economic juggernauts manipulating the politicians.
At this time, although state supremacy ended, men are not yet totally free from states that continue their military ambitions. People do not yet have full control over a type of governance with a view to globalization of human rights that would lead to global prosperity thus global peace.
Thinkers of this period, from Adorno to Rorty, tried to find practical solutions to the problems of democracy foretold by their predecessors: People cannot agree on a common good, thus cannot have a common will, because of their ignorance of issues. Groups, like parties and pressure groups, fill in this vacuum to manufacture a common will. Political parties do not act for public welfare but for political power. There is a need for rationality: governance by civil discourse, where citizens are able to evaluate and criticize policies and contribute to rational decision making. Citizenship and political agency form collective identity and direct participation in political action. Religion in politics is far from disappearing; democracy requires dialogue; dialogue and reasoning cannot take place unless religion also is debated in the public square. Dialogue will keep the people informed and secure their participation in politics. Uncontrolled modernization will undermine solidarity; cultural sources, like religion, will move in to establish solidarity. Opposition to freedom, democracy and constitution will not be tolerated; a compromise will have to be reached between the religious and the secular for a shared political culture. 
            Hence, the struggle in the Middle Ages between reason and faith became between rationalism and empiricism; in the present, it turned out to be between knowledge/intellect and tradition/culture. The sides in the battle essentially remained the same, changing only their cover. (For details see Annex)
The ills of the present practice of self-governance
It is clear that the rational thinking of the 16th to 18th century awakening opened the way not only to discoveries and science but also to changes in the system of governance. The political system changed from theocracy to aristocracy, to militocracy, to autocracy, and as of the 19th century to plutocracy, to democracy. However, even these current systems remained oligarchic, in the hands of powerful minorities forming a timocratic or ochlocratic administration. After more than four hundred years, since man ‘gained conscientiousness’ of his rights, the power over his rights never fully did get into his own hands.
Still today, man is not the sole owner of a complete, absolute, and unconditional power over his own governance, after almost five hundred years of accumulation of knowledge and trying to free himself from the grip of extraneous powers. He surrenders his powers now to the majority, or even to minorities because of flaws of election systems, and/or to influential groups. In the absence of measures against the abuse of power by majorities and interest groups, he loses trust in the rule of law, and in state. Instead, he needs to admit that the ills of the system are due to the absence of adequate civic education, and its expansion to the entire population.
1) The majority despotism
 If a political party that comes to power with legitimate election claims to represent the whole population, i.e. with no recognition of the minority, it is no different than any other type of autocratic regimes. It is the tyranny of the majority under the guise of democracy.
The party that comes out of the ballot box as the winner, assumes that the majority represents the national will, and that the party has the unchallengeable mandate to lead the people. The fact that the electoral mandate establishes an employer-employee relationship between the people and the leader, and that the leader is the servant of the people, has not yet find to date universal recognition. In reality, ballot box alone does not determine either the national will, or “democracy”. There are an increasing number of examples that ballot boxes can produce chaos, or dictators. In instances where “democracy” means the voting right alone, governance is nothing else but a rule by one group of society at best, and by an autocrat at worst. Among the most recent and prominent such ballot box winners, who publicly pronounced democracy as the “election right expressed from election to election", who assumed the majority opinion as the general will, are Bush the Second and the Ottomanist Turkish PM. This type of leadership assumes to have received from the public a blank check placed in the ballot box.
Another reality is that the ruling authority does not even represent the majority of the people in most of the representational systems. The best participation in elections is about 80%, and in many cases, there is also a multitude of political parties further dividing the votes. It is not therefore unusual that some governments rule with as little as 30 per cent of public support. Such cases are not even a majority rule, but that of minority. Group supremacy is then oligarchic, which is anathema to equality, justice and the rights of men. A country governed by a portion of its society alone cannot be defined as democratic.
People, expecting the benefits of taxes paid, are becoming increasingly demanding for public and social services by the central government. Extended social services by governments necessarily involve more government intervention, and centralization of authority. On the other hand, those elected to the central legislature are bound with party discipline and their constituents’ local interests. Therefore, legislatures ought to be of the stature to know how to compromise multitudinal interests. Hence, the majoritarian system and centralization of authority have a somewhat symbiotic relation.
Furthermore, scrutiny of government by public is much harder in a centralized administration. Shielding the central authority from public scrutiny helps a ruler to become autocratic.
In an effort to soften the bitter pill of “democracy”, there is an unfortunate tendency, even in academic circles, to suggest that there are different types of “democracy”, and that the majoritarian democracy is one. This is an effort to accommodate, or to explain away the practice lately developed by some leaders for their own purposes. It would be a more honest approach to stand firm on a clear incontrovertible original definition of democracy and assign different names to differing practices of it. Calling democracy something that is not serves the shady purposes of leaders who intentionally take advantage of the term for their political ends.

            Richard Gamble's observation in "Fatal Flow of Internationalism: Babbitt on Humanitarianism"(Humanitas, Vol. IX No. 2, 1996), that just more democracy without clear definition does not achieve peace, is very true.
2) The special interest groups’ influence
Pluralism was thought to be an answer to the ills of “democracy”, but it did not necessarily turn out to be so.  (For details see R. Dahl contribution in The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World, Oxford University Press 1993)
From among many civil society groups, religious establishments are also given the right to meddle in politics under the protection of freedom of religion and of speech.[2] Conversely, politics is ferociously attacked if it were to meddle in religion. Political speeches everywhere are interspersed with subtle or direct references to one scripture or another, in order to be politically correct. Politicians tow the line of religion in order not to endanger their election by drawing the wrath of religious voters. Policies are shaped also according to the beliefs of politicians or of their constituents.
Religion is expressly excluded from politics in few constitutions, such as in India, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkey. Few others preferred to take an inconspicuous approach by keeping silent on religion and expressly providing for the sovereignty of the people, such as in China, Finland, and Japan. Religious authority is expressly recognized in a number of countries’ constitutions, such as in Islamic countries, and in Brazil, Italy, Poland, Spain, and Switzerland. The ultimate example is of course the Vatican, whereby the international community recognized the Catholic church as a political entity. In Saudi Arabia law is synonymous with religious book and traditions. The Vatican and Islamic countries frequently confirm that their moral laws (read, religious norms) have precedence over political decisions .
Most “democratic” countries, facing the strong grip of religion on the majority of the people, chose a compromise by introducing secularism. Although the political philosophy evolved towards the supremacy of rationalism over religion, this distinction was blurred first in the Anglo-American legal system by including swearing on the Bible in the initiation for official duties and in court procedure.[3] The practice of claiming the separation of Church and state (the so-called secularism) on the one hand, and invoking religion at every turn of politics on the other (politicians’, leaders’ and courts’ statements) is pervasive.[4] This is nothing short of the recognition of two equal sovereigns, religion and people.[5]  Secularism, in fact, means dualism. It is not the separation of religion and politics in the real sense of the word and intent. It is a mere compromise that did not serve the purpose of “democracy”. Secular democratic politics put more emphasis on freedom of religion, and non-interference of politics into religion, than on freedom of politics from religious influence, and non-interference of religion in politics. So long as religions consider divine law’s superiority over popular law, people will be unable to reconcile their religion with their sovereignty.[6]
Political parties fall into the same category of ideological groups as religious establishments. They ought to be general interest groups, not special interest groups. Furthermore, parties are given the monopoly over the election. This position does not only give more power to parties than other groups, it also opens the way to their corruption by other ideological groups. Political parties supposedly reflect, but also exploit and consequently harden class, religion, language, gender, or ethnic differences and conflicts. In reality, their priority is to fight for the perpetuation of the party ideology and for grabbing the governmental power (particracy). They drown the public’s voice on substance with the high decibel noise they make in inter-party dogfights. As such, they do not serve “democracy”, they corrupt it. The increasing public disgust of politics and of politicians in almost all countries is the direct result of the party system.[7]
Capitalism, a byproduct of “democracy” and a major engine of modernization, is increasingly seen as an arrogant greed machine that relates any social issue into a feigned economic solution. Business groups are omnipresent in all political issues in the name of public interest. Corporations represent corporations’ interests in the disguise of the benefit of national economy. The influence of big corporations in politics is very visible, in that they legally or illegally finance political activities, like elections or political debates. A relatively new phenomenon that enhances the corporations’ influence on governments is the contracting of public services to the private sector, with the supposed benefits of pruning government excesses and improving efficiency. And, I am not talking here about contracting out cleaning services or construction work for public premises; but substantive work like intelligence services crucial to the security policy of a country.[8] The practice of contracting public services to private businesses allows a close intimacy between corporations and governments, thus removes the distinctions between public and private. Special interest groups pit the "tyranny of special minority" (oligarchy) against the "tyranny of majority", the danger that was foreshadowed by de Tocqueville and Mill. When corporate leaders, not indirectly but also de facto, enter in the business of governance the system is corrupted to become a timocracy, as we witness in some present day countries.
Special interest groups’ involvement in politics also nurtures corruption. While the use of force in politics is illegal, the use of power of money is not; it is even legalized in some countries under the name of election campaign contributions, or lobbying. In other words, allowing interest groups to participate in politics corrupts politicians, corrupts politics, corrupts “democracy”.
Liberty and rights associated with democracy belong to individuals, not to groups. Recognition of rights for groups helps create only divisiveness. Man has no right to share, delegate or relinquish his rights to a group or an organization. His rights will most definitely and naturally be diluted and compromised in a group, to say the least. He needs no intermediary to express himself. Groups have no right to vote; why should they be allowed to participate in politics? Why should they be allowed to prevail the vote of the people? Is not influencing an individual's vote supposed to be illegal? Democracy is manipulated by power centers and elections become a cover for them.[9]
 3) The absence of intellectual preparedness to ward off group preponderance
The core issue underlying the failure of people’s supremacy in governance is the type of education or the lack thereof. The intellectual vacuum is filled by any power that sways authority; the majority and special interest groups are the major such powers.
Specialized professional/vocational education for a materialistic world helped chase away humanistic social education. A. T. Kronman makes this case abundantly clear in his Education’s End, Yale Un. Press 2007 p. 197. Religious establishment usurped humanistic and social education. Social issues and humanistic values became the monopoly of the usurpers. The same may be said for the Muslim countries where madrassas claim authority in pseudo-humanities. French writer, J. Castagnary’s outburst against the position of religionists is noteworthy (W. Lawhead, The Voyage of Discovery, Wadsworth 2007, p. 382).
Overwhelmed by the power of religion over the people and by the fact that neither people nor religions will let go that grip, some thinkers have been advising a balance between the rationalism/liberalism of democracy and the determinism/traditionalism of religious autocracy. The policy of globalization of “democracy” pursued by “democratic countries” since WWII also prescribes balancing different interests, carrying a rational dialogue and compromise as an operation manual to “democracy”. However, balances between rival interests are achieved only for a very short term; dialogues may continue endlessly without results; compromises in most cases compromise the interests of many. Compromises do not provide full satisfaction to any; they only delay solutions. On the one hand, religious dogma has no room for skepticism and reasoning. On the other, rationalism has no room for distorting the facts in order to accommodate deterministic and traditional view. As Leslie Lipson wrote in Ethical Crises of Civilization (Sage 1993), critical thinking (reason, logic) cannot co-exist with unquestioning belief; you cannot go in two different directions at the same time. Rationalism’s success and victory over blind belief can be achieved by a sound humanistic education. He added, democracy cannot survive in a non-democratic society. The quality of the government in a country is in direct relation with the quality of the education of its people. People who have a better knowledge and judgment are, obviously, in a better position to govern themselves.
It has always been the practice of all governments, despotic or “democratic”, to keep the populace ignorant for the sake of re-election and for holding a firm grip on power. People are not fit to govern themselves where they are kept uneducated in general and uninformed in civics in particular (see C. Brinton, p.211, and J. S. Mill On liberty, pp. 117-118)
4) The population growth
Unlimited population growth adversely affects the core of the entire social/civil system. It exacerbates all three problems mentioned above. Men became men’s enemy in the increasingly crowded and at the same time technologically interconnected world. Individuals consider others as a threat to their security and prosperity; they feel as if the world is closing in on them. Nevertheless, while absolute social equity may not be achievable, social security and peace must be achieved.
Reasoning for the Future
Old forces do not entirely disappear in a new period; they are the foundation of the present and the seeds for the formation of the future. There is no break in between. Accordingly, we live and make the future unavoidably in the synergy of old ideas, practices and experiences.[10]
Real sovereignty of people over their own governance could be achieved if governance could be insulated against the adverse influences of the above listed impediments. Admittedly, such solution would require bold actions, and may only last until men find yet other ways to corrupt the new system.
1) Community level administration
The combination of majoritarian system and centralized governance provides fertile ground for an authoritarian rule. Decentralization of as many as possible administrative matters would help avoid the majority domination in most areas of social conflict. Self-administered and self-sufficient communities would not be subject to making compromises for finding a nationwide common ground. For example, with the exception of nationally important matters like security, general education, transport and communication, most public services may be administered by smaller communities at the local level as long as they are economically viable. People will feel more associated with the use of their tax money, and the actions taken would be more appreciated by the community. Close oversight of public services is easier also when they are administered locally.
Consociational democracy, designed basically for ethnically or culturally diverse societies, may be useful in the decentralization of public services. This system avoids majority or minority tyranny by spreading power centers, and can achieve a more just distribution of public funds (See Arend Lijphart, O. C. to Politics of the World  p.188-189).
Both the public and the politicians must understand without equivocation that people’s participation in politics is not limited to election, it includes continued scrutiny of administration. Of course, leaders should also be reminded that the reins of power are constantly in the public’s hands, not only at election time. Leaders are not bosses; they are servants. They need to be reminded that people rule, are not ruled. This is what sovereignty, hence self-governance means. Delegation of the "exercise" of sovereignty does not mean delegation of sovereignty. Sovereignty is indivisible and cannot be delegated, its exercise can be.
A majoritarian system may be replaced by consociational system. Majority despotism is a systemic, procedural, and qualitative problem of democracy. It will be difficult to end the majority rule per se; but a transformation towards decentralization would be more acceptable to the public and will go a long way to minimizing the effect of majority despotism, and maximizing the self-governance.
2) Banning from politics special interest groups with ideological or financial power
The decentralization of government and transfer of as many administrative functions as possible to local communities may constitute a major solution also to the special interest groups’ influence on self-governance. For example, peoples’ embrace of religion is mostly due to fear from poverty and security, because religious establishments offer social services, help and shelter to the disenfranchised, to those who feel crushed under the weight of powerful establishments. If such help were to be provided by the community, instead of by religious establishments, the poor and the needy would relate and associate rather with the former.
Businesses constitute part of the population and represent their interests. While the argument is made that all parts of the population should be represented in political decision formation, businesses possess monetary power that the other groups do not. A teachers’ organization cannot compete with business organizations. Groups that sway financial power have an unequal edge over other groups. They should not be allowed to influence politics, like the military –which has the firepower- is not allowed to partake in politics.
The participation of civil public organizations in the formation of politics must be subject to clear criteria to exclude those that represent ideologies rather than public interests. Banning all special interest groups based on ideologies, like religious organizations and ideological political parties, from participation in politics, and in political decision-making would be the ultimate achievement. Groups, as juridical entities (not real persons), do not have the right to vote. Why should they be entitled to participate in politics, to influence decisions, and skew the electorate’s will? Divisive ideologies must be replaced by humanist culture.[11]
The enhancement of government transparency, of social media, and of public auditing measures also will contribute extensively to reining in the power of special interest groups.
Although, considerable public awareness and even outrage has developed in recent years against the corporate influence on politics, and against turning national issues into a feud between political parties, it would be too optimistic to expect a public will to coalesce anytime soon to disband special interest groups from politics. Even if a strong enough public movement were to succeed to put an end to religious and business influences, it will be impossible to improve the political party system; because such a decision will need to be taken by the political parties represented in parliaments.
3) Public education and information
Self-governance cannot function at its best if public does not believe in people’s sovereignty, in people’s supremacy over all else. The public must have absorbed people’s sovereignty as a matter of culture, for self-governance to function free from external influences or from its organic defects. The public must have knowledge of the history, characteristics, culture, safety and security needs, economic interests, among others, of at least their immediate region beyond their own community in order to be able to make a useful contribution to public administration. A profound change in education to include civic and humanities subjects, is needed to achieve such an objective. Civic and humanities education should be national; it is vital for the formation of a national identity, solidarity, general will formation, peace and security.[12]
An ill-informed society in politics as well as an uneducated society in civics and humanities is led by the government; a well-informed society leads the government. This is possible, of course, if public were kept informed continuously of on-going administrative decisions and actions. Unqualified government transparency is a sine quo non of self-governance.
A well-informed society ensures individuals’ economic freedom, freedom from the influence of power groups, from majority despotism, and even from the government. A society thinking free from any extraneous influence is a civilized society, contributing to paving the way to the universal civilization.
“The numbers participating in an election are all important. But equally important is the wisdom that guides the vote. Democracy can be self-destructive if electorate is ill informed or manipulated by one-sided propaganda. For popular sovereignty to work well in practice, everything depends on the level of education of the mass of the people. The quality of every democracy is the quality pervading the mass of its citizens.” (L. Lipson, Lecture at the Ataturk Society of America, Library of Congress, Nov. 24, 1998)
Education of masses in humanities will liberate men from the influence of powers. The current inadequate type and quality of education is a fundamental, organic and qualitative problem of political systems around the world. Yet, there is not a general awareness of the problem. People are more interested in professional and vocational education for economic reasons, and politicians prefer an uneducated and uninformed public that they can manipulate easier. Therefore, civic and humanist minded masses will be very difficult to develop, and will necessarily take a long long time to come.
4) Controlled population growth
A social and scientific solution to the problem of population growth is long overdue. There has always been a public awareness of it, also at the international level for many different reasons. The international concern over population growth may help expedite a solution for it.
Conclusion
Despite five hundred years of humiliation in the hands of one or another despotic system, and the efforts of some political philosophers and few leaders to free them, men could not yet master his sovereignty. All systems created by himself were and are being used to subject him to other forces than to his own. Even the present system of, so-called, “democracy” is but wool over his eyes pulled with dissimulation. If men continue to assign priority to prosperity instead to knowledge, thus acquiesce to  the relegation of his most important right –sovereignty over his governance- to power groups, he would be destined to live prosperous but not free. If men were knowledgeable and well informed, and act communitarian but think universally, they may minimize any incursion of their rights, hence maximize their freedom in addition to their prosperity. The cumulative knowledge of the “present” should be sufficient for men to identify themselves with their community and with human kind as a whole, instead with state, religion, or groups as they did thus far.[13] Since all have no choice but to share the space and resources of the earth, they cannot but negotiate and cooperate on how to share fairly, lest to do it unfairly by use of force. Standing at the edge of the frontier of knowledge, men must gather the necessary power and courage to reset their course towards their destiny.
July 2013





Notes

[1] W. Ebenstein, Introduction to Political Philosophy, p.113, and Crane Brinton, The Shaping of the Modern Mind, Mentor Book 1959 p. 50.

[2] Ninian Smart, Oxford Companion to Politics of the World, Oxford University Pres 1993 p. 778-779
[3] Vazsonyi, Heritage Lecture #779 on March 19, 2003.
 Justice Abe Fortas of the US Supreme Court in Concerning Dissent and Civil Disobedience, The New American Library 1968.
[4]  K. Phillips, American Theocracy, Viking 2006 pp. 123, 211
[5] G. Pasquino, Oxford Companion to Politics of the World, Oxford University Pres 1993 p. 820
[6] See Secularism and the Separation of Church and State, sociopoliticalviews.blogspot.com.

[7] L. Diamond, The Spirit of Democracy, Times Books 2008, p. 345
[8] Bruce Clark, Washington Monthly, Jan/Feb 2010, p. 44
[9] Sam Vaknin, Globalization - Liberalism’s Disastrous Gamble, American Chronicle, June 25, 2007
[10] Alejandro Serrano Caldera, Brief Reflexion on Culture, Translated from Spanish by Jean Tardif - revised by Paule Herodote, Forum 06.01.2005)
[11]  Leslie Lipson, Ethical Crises of Civilization, 1993.

[12] Baroness Warnock, contribution in The Oxford Companion of the Mind, Oxford University Press 1987, p. 207
[13] Crane Brinton, p. 159

Annex to “The Illusion of Self-Governance”

Discourse on Political Development

From Religious Obscurantism To Enlightenment 1579-1790

The rediscovery of the ancient thought of individual as an entity of the polity occurred necessarily among the European clerics who could read and study the ancient Latin and Greek, such as J. Wicliff (English cleric who denied the Eucharist, 1384), Johann Huss (Rector of university of Prague, who was burnt at stake for propagating Wicliff doctrine, 1415), M. Luther (German monk who was excommunicated by the Pope for questioning some Christian practices, 1520).  (W. Ebenstein, Introduction to Political Philosophy, Rinehart Co. 1952, p.111 [IPP]). J. Calvin (French cleric who had to go in exile in Switzerland for rewriting almost the whole Christian philosophy, 1536) went further than Luther and recognized the right of resistance against tyranny. Thus, the first recognition that religious superstitions overburdened Men was by the members of the Church itself.

Renaissance in art and literature followed. Thomas More (Lord Chancellor, who was beheaded for refusing to take an oath to the Act of Supremacy of the King, 1535), Erasmus (1469-1536), and Montaigne (1533-1595) could now express the value of Men – humanism was born. They thought life was made miserable by despotic rulers. Life was in fact good if freedom and justice prevailed. Bodin wrote in 1576 in Les Six Livres de la Republique, “sovereignty is the absolute and perpetual power of the state”, but the ruler is under a moral obligation to the community and to God, he has no authority to violate the laws of God and nature, therefore there should be rational belief in God above any particular church or organized religion (IPP pp.118-119).

[This first step was nothing less than releasing Men’s conscience from the grip of religious autocracy, and the realization of self consciousness. Reformation allowed the human mind to think beyond the religious dicta, to express himself, to create, and to develop. But, the thinkers of the 16th century could not break away from the determinism and dualism of metaphysical thinking introduced by Luther. They tried to explain Men’s rights within the context of the ruler’s authority delegated to him by God.

In the ensuing period of Enlightenment, thinkers first tried to explain the authority of the monarch outside the religious realm, then finally recognized individual’s sovereignty. However, in practice, the dualism of the temporal and the religious authorities over people lingered on.]

Hobbes, Leviathan 1651: He saw the ruler not as a natural or a divine phenomenon, but as created by Men to provide peace with full authority. This was the first attempt to disrobe the ruler from his religious mantle, while still preserving his absolute sovereignty. (IPP pp. 124,125)

Spinoza, Theological-Political Treatise, 1670:  People rationally authorize the sovereign to protect their interests. General will and reason will be the guardian against an abuse of power. The individual’s freedom is not affected, because he transfers his rights to the ruler freely by social contract. Everyone is by absolute natural right the master of his own thoughts, but certain “inconveniences” will, no doubt, sometimes result from such an extensive liberty. (Steven Nadler, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, on line) [SEP].

Locke, Two Treaties of Government 1690: The society is established by contract, but government by delegation, people remain supreme with the right to rebel against the ruler.  (IPP p. 140)

Voltaire, Traite sur la Tolerance 1763: Democracy is governance by uninformed masses. Enlightened monarch would achieve progress, as progress is in his own interest. (Wikipedia)

Rousseau, Discours 1751 and 1755, Contrat Social 1762, Emile 1762: The social contract secures liberty from despotism, the exercise of individual freedom forms the general will to submit to law; majority represents the general will, majority rules. (C. Mouffe, Politics of the World, OU Press 1993  p. 139) [PW].

Hume, Essays Moral and Political in 1744, Political Discourses 1752: He calls for moderation and balance between individual freedoms and the rule of law. (Wikipedia)

Burke, Vindication of Natural Society 1756Reflections on the Revolution in France 1790: People must have freedoms, but revolutionary methods are disruptive (PW, p 791). There must be a controlling power (IPP p. 167). But the controlling should not be by them. (Frank O’Gorman, Edmund Burke – His Political Philosophy, G. Allen & Unwin 1973, p. 55)

Bentham, Fragment on Government 1776, Principles of Morals and Legislation 1789, and over 100.000 pages of manuscripts: Differences between personal interests and the common good can be bridged by education and a system of chandelling people to social purposes (IPP pp. 172,173), Universal election rights without party politics (IPP pp. 174, 176), and without interference by religious institution. (IPP p. 178 ) 

Thomas Paine, Rights of Man 1792, The Age of Reason 1795: Social contract is entered not between the ruled and the ruler but between the ruled, it is called the Constitution. Governing is th product of the Constitution.  It is for national interests and universal peace. (T. Paine, Rights of Man, Hugh Griffith, Barnes & Noble 2004 edition, pp. 65-67 and 197)


State supremacy - Rights of Men subordinated to state interests 1790-1945

Hegel, Philosophy of History, and Encyclopedia of Political Sciences 1820-30: Individual liberty is found in dedication to the state. (IPP p. 197-199)

De TocquevilleDemocracy in America 1840: Individual liberty is potentially under threat also in democracy, under the power of public opinion against which there is no controlling power. Democracy encourages industrial growth to improve living standards. But industry widens the inequality and does not have public responsibility. (IPP pp. 185, 187, 188) 

Thoreaux, Civil Disobedience 1849: Social consensus is not a guarantee for people supremacy over state. Resorting to political violence as a solution is questionable. (Rick A. Furtak, SEP)

Comte, System of Positive Politics 1851-1854General public cannot be trusted to make decisions, intellectuals must rule and include emotional (religious) side of the people. (W.F. Lawhead, The Voyage of Discovery,  Wadsworth Cengage Learning 2007 pp. 463,464)

Stuart MillOn Liberty 1859, On Representative Government 1860: Liberty is the Civil or Social liberty, which is delimited by the majority. The only power that could avoid majority oppression is the government, if it is "above mediocrity". (On Liberty, Appleton Century Crofts 1947 pp.1, 4, 66, 94)

Samuel Smiles, Self-Help 1860: The character of a nation is what determines the nature of its government. (Crane Brinton, The Shaping of the Modern Mind, Mentor Book 1959 p. 165) 

Marx, Capital 1873Manifesto of the Communist Party 1988:  Industrialization causes class conflicts, rationality ends, working class will prevail. (K. Marx & F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto, International Publishers 1948, p. 10-11)

T.H. Green, Prolegomena to Ethics 1883: Common good is what holds societies together; government intervention must be minimal; this system will universalize, and nation-states will disappear. (Colin Tyler, SEP)

GramsciPrison Notebooks 1926-1937: State authority by use of force cannot survive, popular support by a conscientious society and intellectual elite is necessary. (PW, p. 361)

 Corporate supremacy - Rights of Men subordinated to economic interests 1945- circa 2050

J. A. SchumpeterCapitalism, Socialism, and Democracy 1950: People cannot agree on a common good, and cannot have a common will, because of their ignorance of issues; groups, like parties and pressure groups, fill in this vacuum to manufacture a common will, which is the product -not the motive- of political process and democracy. Political parties do not act for public welfare but for political power. (J. A. SchumpeterCapitalism, Socialism, and DemocracyHarper & Brothers 1950, pp. 251, 261, 263, 283, 296,298)

Popper, The Poverty of Historicism 1961: Democracy is possible only by governance by civil discourse, where citizens are able to evaluate and criticize policies and contribute to rational decision making. (Stephen Thornton, SEP)

Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty 1969: Democracy can only lead to totalitarianism not to liberty. (PW p.139)

Arendt, Public Rights and Private Interests 1977Political action is the result of collective identity. Direct participation in political action can be achieved best through “a federated system of councils”.(Maurizio P. d’Entreves, SEP)

Habermas, Between Naturalism and Religion 2008: Uncontrolled modernization will undermine solidarity in society; cultural sources, like religion, help solidarity; both religious and the secular must reason to find a balance. (Habermas, Between Naturalism and Religion, Polity Press 2008, pp. 107, 111, 116, 122, 126-127, 130, 138)

Rorty,  Reply to Jeffrey Stout in The Philosophy of Richard Rorty : There must be political compromises. Religious communities have no tolerance for disagreement. We have to pursue a strong secularist policy. (The Library of Living Philosophers, Open Court 2010, p.549)

Two modern-times leaders who instituted the supremacy of men’s rights

T. Jefferson

Jefferson promoted 1) men’s rights are inalienable; 2) government is formed by the consent of people to protect those rights; 3) republic as the only form of government to protect men’s rights; 4) government to implement the general will equally without violating minorities’ rights; 5) people’s control over government and their power to change it if it does not respect men’s rights; 6) the three governmental powers are independent from each other; 7) powers are bound by rules lest they become oppressive; 8) legislation cannot be for perpetuity that may bound the next generations; 9) religion in private domain, must be kept out of legislation; 10) the world is governed by God’s laws. (The Jeffersonian Cyclopedia, University of Virginia Library)

M.K. Ataturk

Ataturk promoted 1) national progress, unity and will to achieve national objectives; 2) the state that belongs to the people as their protector; 3) rights for every individual; 4) citizenship united with nationality not with religion; 5) people’s sovereignty without conditions, limitations, participation or equivocation; 6) sovereignty expressed in legislative, executive and judiciary powers; 7) government by the people, who transfer their rights to the republic for securing their freedom and independence, government needs power and authority to protect individual’s freedom; 8) legitimacy of government depends on how well the national will is represented; 9) people’s responsibility to oversee the government in order to avoid governmental oppression; 10) the art of governing is to know the degree of necessary limitation of freedoms; 11) informed people so as to avoid wrongful actions; 12) knowledgeable people to elect the right representatives; 13) people’s participation in the universal civilization. (S. Kili, The Ataturk Revolution-A Paradigm of Modernization, Turkiye Is Bankasi 2003; and Ari Inan, Düşünceleriyle Atatürk, Türk Tarih Kurumu 1999) 



 
July 2013