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Saturday, December 23, 2023

 

“WE THE PEOPLE”

and

DEMOCRACY

 

Introduction

 I. Symptomatic observations on the state of U.S. democracy

                1. State of We the People (social insight)

A) Societal characteristics

B) Inequalities

C) Inadequate education

                2. State of democracy (normative insight)

A) Potential authoritarianism inherent in democracy

B) Unreasonable election procedures

C) Bureaucratic peculiarities

D) Constitutional constrains

II. Saving democracy from itself

                1. Social (Enhancement of civic knowledge)

 A) Trust in Government, Association with governance

 B) Equality

 C) Humanities education

                2. Normative (Strengthening democracy)

A) Fair election procedures

B) Bureaucracy’s strength

C) Constitution is to secure democratic principles

Conclusion

 

Introduction

We have been observing in this Blog world affairs in general and the U.S. affairs in particular, sometimes with hope other times with concern. Humanity went through many ordeals in modern times from WWI and WWII of the 20th century to global terrorism and concomitant technological revolution of the 21st, both of which caused economic and social transformations. The manifestation of democracy’s deficiency at its birthplace the U.S., two hundred twenty-seven years later in 2016 raised a new concern about the sustainability of democracy. Other democracies in Europe and Latin America are also caught in a far-right populist wave. Many scholarly publications and statements and media in the Western world express concern about the survivability and preservation of democracy. In the dictatorial world, there are cheers of validation that democracy does not work. A true democrat in a republican system must participate in the defense of democracy, like searching the causes of deterioration of democracy and solutions therefor.[1]

This essay is an attempt to fulfill that civic duty. In so doing it is based on two premises: 1) Since democracy is a construct of people for the people, we need to investigate the state of the people to determine whether there are any social problems that affect democracy. An objective and honest assessment of ourselves requires moral and intellectual courage for introspection, a soul-searching; 2) Since democratic principles’ operation is carried out by self-governance, we will investigate any shortcomings in the governance, in the institutional, organic, normative aspects of the government.     

While recognizing the difficulty of dissecting and finding effective solutions for social problems, because of the multiplicity of their interacting components, this essay attempts to theorize (in a somewhat post-positivist manner) some corrective actions on the identified threats to democracy, also drawing attention to their feasibility.

I.                Symptomatic observations on the state of U.S. democracy

1.     State of “We the people” (social insights)

 We know from social and political science publications and from investigative media that mankind generally seeks peace/safety, prosperity/security, and freedoms. As to peace, the world does not seem to have ever found a way to live in harmony with each other, without fear or hatred of each other. As to prosperity, the global economy increased fourfold in about three decades since the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the new high-tech era, which translates into about 1.5 billion people getting out of the poverty line and gaining the technical ability of instant global communication with one and other. Yet, the uneven distribution of prosperity exacerbated the socio-economic inequality. As to freedoms, people were never clearly informed of the definition nor the limits of freedoms, which cause cultural reactions to the excesses of freedoms. These economic and social disturbances caused public grievances reflecting on the operation of self-governance and democracy. In the absence of governments’ timely response to societal changes, a group historically “defiant of social order” considering themselves the owners of the country have been attempting since 2016 to dominate politics, and to exercise an exclusive authority over the destiny of the entire people. A prominent think tank, like many others, observed that Americans are “unsure of democracy’s persistence”[2].

A) Societal characteristics:

Absolute distrust in government

It is axiomatic that Americans in general are distrustful of a central government and authority, because -as the argument goes- of their historical multi-state revolution against royal imposition. Distrust of government is “defiance of social order”.

Unnecessary thus ill-fated political and/or military interventions overseas since the U.S. was firmly established as the “influencer” of the world after 1950s, the vitriolic reactionary domestic politics introduced in 1970s with the religious influence on one political party, governments’ inability to control narcotics, gun epidemic, illegal immigration, and economic inequality since 1990s exacerbated the already historical public distrust in government.

A University of Chicago poll reported that 28% of registered voters considered “taking up arms against the government”.[3]

The public does not necessarily defend its interests based on complete knowledge of true facts and by full consensus. Governments, in their duty to serve the public interest, must lead the public with full and true facts, not be led by public emotions. One caveat, however, is that if governments act with full authority to respond to a social need they are blamed by people for imposing state power; if they do not act at all, they are blamed for not having carried out their responsibility. Maintaining trust in government by timely and appropriately responding to social changes is a delicate but important skill governments need to have. 

Use of narcotics

This is a global scourge, not unique to the U.S. Reports concerning the U.S.  indicate that the annual death rate from overdose is over 100.000; fentanyl overdose alone even among children reached 5.000 over the last decade.[4] Yet, there is a tendency towards decriminalization of growing and trading opioids in a society already prone to addiction. Flood gates were opened in recent years for yet another substance whose addictive qualities are confirmed by scientific studies but does not have deadly affects as “hard drugs”. One report shows that Americans spent in 2022 more on marijuana purchases than they did on ice cream, chocolate, and beer.[5] Liberal attitude of states towards public demand is an example of governments preferring to accommodate public emotions (presumably for political expediency) over protecting the public as the governmental duty would commend.

The fast and furious expansion of narcotics use and failure to overcome narcotics trafficking in the age of advanced technology and enforcement ability are unforgivable facts. The expanse of addiction to narcotics reached the level of public health issue. Despite the importance of public health came to light when Covid-19 pandemic took about one million lives and left many with ailments, not to be able to counter narcotics endemic is incomprehensible. Nevertheless, many people, true to their cynicism about the government, consider public health a political issue, and another overreach of government authority. It is utterly irrational not to recognize the fundamental duty of government to monitor and when needed to take all measures possible for the maintenance of the health of general public. Decisive government action is its responsibility, even over irrational objections.

Violence

Beyond the wide use of narcotics, disregard for other people’s right to live also became so ordinary that the public became numb to the encroachment of this basic freedom. Increasing attacks on (or threats to) performers on stage, on health providers, intolerance or hate of opposite or different views, race, sex, instigation to violence against opposing politicians and officials, an epidemic of mass shootings blunted the public’s sensitivities.[6] These uncivilized examples show how far some people came in defying the social order, in disrespect for the safety and values of fellow human beings, and contempt for social peace and safety in general.

This recent social perversity is reminiscent of the psychotic phenomenon that shocked the public with the infamous Jim Jones mass suicide by nearly one thousand people in Guyana in 1978, and couple of other smaller ones in California and Canada, and the latest in Waco, Texas. Those incidents were also a way of expressing defiance of orderly society, of not having the liberty of living their own wild way. When consternation finds a perverse agent to vocalize real or perceived grievances, the minority voice becomes a movement of resounding confusion, conspiracy, fear, hate, and violence. Astonishingly, such occurrences are seen by the rest of society as rare, marginal, ephemeral, uncommon cases that can be overlooked. But the fact that there are always groups of people that may rally around such anti-social ideas or leaders suggests that the intellectual level of the people concerned, or their mental condition needs to be addressed, not neglected. Social scientist L. Lipson observed that a system that accepts violence “cannot rise to a higher level of civilization.”[7]

According to a study by the Center on Extremism of the Anti-Defamation League, murders by extremists have been on the rise. Such murders since 2010 constitute 57% of the total recorded since 1970. [8] As to mass shootings (those with four or more victims), Gun Violence Archive web site’s last entry on December 17 for 2023 alone is 640 mass shootings and 721 Killed, 2538 injured.[9]

Compared to data about other advanced countries, this phenomenon is unfortunately unique to the U.S. The free flow of guns (more firearms than the population), the availability of combat firearms in particular, contribute to the severity of violence in the hands of people who entertain a characteristic culture of defiance of social order. Media reports of 40.000 deaths a year by firearms incontrovertibly portray the level of intellect, civility, and social responsibility in society.

Unwarranted attacks on governments, institutions, and laws for the sake of expressing grievances gradually chisels away or at least raises questions on trust in the system, in the establishment. Safety of life and maintenance of peace are a major and sole responsibility and duty of governments. But the first and foremost obstruction to overcoming this distrust is the state of mind of the group that defies social order.

Mass migration

This is a global problem. Upsurge in migration from poorer, mismanaged, oppressive, violent, or natural disaster-stricken countries to stable and richer countries is a matter of concern for immigrant receiving countries like the U.S. for various reasons. Although the depth and width of the U.S. economy is capable and accommodating a steady inflow of manpower, this economic advantage is burdened with social and cultural problems. Cultural incongruence creates social divisions, thus political challenges.

International migration problems were discussed in detail in an article posted on this Blog in 2013. Therein it was noted that problems created by mass migration were basically due to the absence of clear legal distinctions between various types of migration, like considering both refugees and asylum seekers eligible for eventual permanent residence. Whereas permanent residence status should be reserved to “immigrants” who independently, conscientiously, and officially apply to relocate their permanent residence. Refugees and asylum seekers’ reason is protection from duress for various reasons. Hence, they ought to be granted temporary status, but they are not “immigrants” for permanent residence, nor entitled to be treated as refugee for temporary residence. As to the term “illegal immigrants”, they are not immigrants but asylum-seeking migrants, and they are illegal because the government releases them in the country awaiting their processing.

Therefore, cultural, social, and political problems arising from “illegal immigrants” are governments’ own doing. Tackling the problem only as a border protection issue will never solve the cultural and social problems that come with migrants.

B) Inequalities

The view since the seventeenth century thinkers is that rulers, elite or the general public cannot timely and easily adapt to the evolution of society caused by human ingenuity in science, technology, culture, politics, etc.; hence people become prejudiced, intolerant, impatient. In the contemporary world, where cultural differences are amplified by extreme liberalism of proponents of freedoms, on the one hand, economic inequalities are amplified by ever-accelerating speed of economic development, on the other, differences turn to social stratification, divisions, antagonisms.

While inequality is also a global problem, the U.S, being the richest country, social inequality must be kept at its minimum possible. Yet, surveys indicate that social rifts widened. Social Progress Index published annually by Social Progress Imperative shows that there has been global decline; the U.S. decline was particularly sharp in the last five years coming 31st after other countries like Czech Rep. or Slovenia in rights, inclusiveness, and access to basic knowledge.[10] American public attitude and governments’ policies about public communication and its accompanying cooperation must be improved for the sake of social peace and prosperity.

As to economic inequality, governments’ actions to prevent inequalities face conservatives’ accusations (once again) of government intervention in the free market and socialism. All the while, the already long-existing inequality gap widens apace with the fast and uncontrolled growth of new tech industries. Government intervention, being a governmental duty to protect public interest, should not be considered intervention in economy.

Economic inequalities in a free capitalist system basically originate from the private sector, while governments try to alleviate the impact on the public. Public sentiment seems to corroborate this assessment. “Nearly three-quarters of U.S. adults (73%) say major corporations in the country have too much power.” And “55% of U.S. adults say that government should do more to solve problems, while 43% say government is doing too many things better left to businesses and individuals.”[11]

C) Inadequate education

To begin with, learning by parents’ example of self-discipline, conduct, behavior, ethics and human values suffers because of the inadequacy of intellectual level of parents (what J. Dewey called "inchoate public"). Several generations already grew up under inadequate circumstances. Fathers in the social order defying group of people lost their model role for their children due to changes in social and economic conditions in the last several decades. Instead of leading, or at least contributing to the improvement of the health and wealth of the family, they abdicate that role, and in some instances, they even become a burden on the family and the society.[12] Leaderless families are more susceptible to producing self-righteous, unruly, disrespectful, selfish, rebellious, anti-social, violent off-springs.

Henry Grunwald, for one, warned back in 1990 about the sad state of education in America.[13] Reversing this negative trend at its advanced stage may be by overhauling the current education system in a way that children are better prepared for a civilized democratic society.

In a country -unlike many others- that lacks natural and historical social binding elements and also follows an open-door policy on immigration (which causes multiplicity of races, ethnicities, cultures, languages, religions, among many others), there ought to be some substitute unifying elements to maintain unity, peace and order in the society. Such American substitute is allegiance to the state and its law and order, both of which directly address the question of peace and order in society. This historical characteristic of the state must be inculcated to citizens. Yet, the education system in the U.S. fails in this respect for the following reasons.

Home schooling

According to Washington Post’s excellent detailed investigative reporting on this subject, official recognition of home-schooling in many states is growing. There are a dozen states using public funds to support home-schooling, which are also financed by private organizations. They have about two million student body.[14] Of course, the insanity of school shootings, local governments’ and parents’ politically motivated interferences in schools may be some of the reasons for this upward trend. It is also a fact that evangelical push is at the roots of home-schooling. Conservative Christians persuade parents to home school their children by claims that public schools are anti-Christian. “(H)ome schooling became a tool for binding children to fundamentalist beliefs … that would seek the political power and cultural influence to reshape America according to biblical principles.”[15]

It is further reported that there is little regulation or oversight on home-schooling.[16] The failure of regulation and oversight may suggest that some home-school educators might be teaching young minds intellectually, scientifically, morally, socially insufficient or inappropriate material that develops dogmatic instead of inquisitive minds. Home-schooled people must be either at a disadvantage or unfairly competing in the job market with the regular school graduates.

Dogmatism

Lower quality of education opens the way to susceptibility to ideological dogmas like nationalism, racism, xenophobia, religious fanaticism, etc. The frequency of religious, ethnic, racial, and sexual orientation vitriol is the proof of the growing size of fanatics. Expressions of international isolationism and berating other countries and international bodies are signs of exceptionalism and xenophobia among the public.

The presence of these anti-social feelings and their expression under the protection of freedom of speech constitute a serious danger to democratic pillars of freedoms, rights and equality, and to social unity and national safety. Unfortunately, the size of such groups of people is large enough to influence the political parties.[17] Thus the social order defying characteristic finds its way into legislation, like it does also in the case of home-schooling.

It may be considered bringing clarity to freedom of speech so as not encroaching on the freedom of others and/or endangering public interest and democracy.

Disciplinary practices

Disciplinary methods used not only in home schooling but also in some regular schools, although rare, seem to be medieval.[18] Physical punishment or abusive criticism of the young is uncivil; they inculcate uncivility in children. Such practice must certainly contribute to raising children prone to violence in their later years. There is yet another teaching of uncivility among social order defying section of the society, a culture of encouraging boys to be bullies.[19] This state of mind must be one reason for the prevailing condition of roughness, dominance, and masculinity.

Nature of education

U.S. middle and high school education is not at par with European and some Asian countries’ secondary education level.[20] Whereas this age group is the most appropriate for preparing individuals for life prior to the higher professional education. Social and civic knowledge, a sound education in Humanities (in its socio-political meaning instead of historical), in cultural interface is fundamental to better quality and sustainability of democratic life, irrespective of and in addition to individual’s professional expertise.

Concentration on technical knowledge and loss of interest in so-called liberal education deprived young minds of thinking in social and global terms, in humanistic moral values that are necessary for a successful democratic society. The prominent philosopher of modern times A. N. Whitehead’s observations on social problems of the twentieth century apply to the current state of society:[21] Specialization in knowledge is good for the specific field of specialization, but “the remainder of life is treated superficially” (p.176); Although science is progress, it neglects values by creating “competitive business morality” (p.181); Wisdom, “should be the aim of education” (p.171). However, as regards the wisdom education, he somewhat contradicted himself when he added, “The problem is not how to produce great men, but how to produce great societies. The great society will put up the men for the occasion.” (p.183). And sure enough, people who rallied around Trump proved Whitehead wrong in this respect and made his argument in favor of wisdom education stronger.

Some modern-day philosophers, like I. Babbitt and R. M. Hutchins, were concerned about the rush to empirical science teaching at the expense of liberal arts.  

Colleges do not provide Humanities education. Yale Law Professor A. Kronman wrote in his book, liberal arts colleges were disappearing because they provided education in humanities, like sociology, political science, economics, history and philosophy, not vocational education. Yet, college education were to prepare students for life. Life knowledge is fundamental for global civilization, “a normative guide to” progress, reforms, and modernity. Science overtook the entire field of education. Humanities was relegated to the bottom. Then the Church claimed authority over this abandoned knowledge. Consequently “fundamentalism now prevails in America”. The Church claims that the adverse social effects of science are due to the absence of morality in scientific work, which falls within the realm of the Church. In reality, what is needed is the reintroduction of secular humanism in education to infuse morality in science.[22]

Unjustified, exorbitant higher education costs at commercial business levels[23] (mostly operating as sports enterprises) also keep many students away from seeking university education. Universities retain world excellence in the education of specialized fields, but they have administrative failures (in addition to high costs) like inability to find the right balance between the benefits of tenure and term limits for their faculty, and inability to practice equitable student acceptance instead of economic status, race, and alumni relationship of applicants. Mass shooting delirium, which started fifty-seven years ago at the University of Texas, having become part of life in schools and campuses understandably raises safety concerns among students. These realities must be one reason for the recent phenomenon of keeping some young people away from seeking higher education.

Transparency in government, business community, and all public services for keeping the public continually and timely abreast of public administration is the essence of democracy for keeping the public “associated with governance”. Provision of accurate knowledge to the public is “public education”, a government responsibility. Yet, fake information on social media platforms is allowed to run free, in the name of freedom of speech. As a result, the confused portion of society either does not follow political news, or if they do, they do not trust it.

The dilemma in improving the level of general education in the U.S. is that it is considered by the public to be a parental prerogative up until the end of secondary education, instead of a social thus national interest. The rest of the world considers it as such. This mentality will need to change. As to secondary education, the absence of humanities education and school safety against mass shootings must also be considered national issues.

In sum: Intuitive distrust in government and contempt of social order, social afflictions like narco addiction and violence caused by excesses of freedoms, cultural concerns caused by uncontrolled immigration, enduring social and economic inequalities, chaotic education and public information system make democracy vulnerable to its inherent foibles.

2.     State of democracy (normative insights)

Democracy is a political concept, not an organizational or institutional type of governance (like self-governance is in representational republic). Democracy is a choice or will of the people, and what people understand from democracy. It is generally seen as rights, freedoms, and equality of individuals. This close relation of democracy to people explains the sensitivity of democracy to the culture and the intellectual level of the people. The intellectual level specific to societies affects the sustainability of democracy and the nuances in its practice by different societies.

One of the original proponents of “absolute freedom” J. S. Mill recognized, in cases of public interest, freedoms may be altered. Also, De Tocqueville, who admired the American democracy, was at the same time concerned that liberty and equality in democracy, could also work against it. When individuals do not recognize freedoms’ twin sister of obligations, unlimited or undefined freedoms slow down progress. Or unsatisfied masses may move to change the establishment even with violence, instead of debating in an effort of persuasion. This is why the oft repeated banality of “democracy isn’t perfect”, “democracy is an experiment”, or “democracy is prone to (or carries with it) chaos and self-defeat” is the currency of the day. All the democratic system needs to be successful is to build a rational, knowledgeable citizen body who can bring to power a political and executive system that is able and determined to preserve democracy.

Democracy’s sensitivity to the culture and knowledge of the people subjects it to political winds. Political winds may sway the pendulum of the republican regime between democracy and autocracy. For the pendulum to rest on democracy depends on the degree that people associate themselves with democracy and with republican government, and on the ability of the government to fight for democracy. A well-informed and knowledgeable society responsible and active in the republican governance can achieve real and enduring democracy. Adjusting to the requirements of social change is preserving democracy, populism is destructive revolution in the name of democracy.

If excesses of liberties cannot or are not moderated by recognizing the views of minorities, by elevating the level of education of masses, by reducing inequalities, and by asserting the rule of law, democracy morphs into one of the autocracies, whether nationalist, populist, etc. The type of autocracy is determined by the type of public grievance that challenges democracy, like cultural clashes caused by immigration paves the way to nationalist autocracy, or economic inequality to socialist or communist autocracy. Accordingly, “populism may be considered an inherent and insidious element in democracy. It may be said that it is a dormant infirmity, an auto-immune disease of democracy waiting for the opportune time to attack itself.” (Reclaiming Democracy, sociopoliticaviews.blogspot.com)

A)   Potential authoritarianism inherent in democracy

After the nationalist autocracy’s defeat in WWII, and Cold War won by Western democracy in 1989 against communism the bi-polar era ended; the free world’s economic globalization spread along with the rapid advance of technology. The liberal movement of goods helped bring a globalization of Western culture as well. This econo-cultural invasion had a profound global social effect exacerbating economic inequality and creating cultural animosity in effected societies: terrorism. War against terrorism, combined with coincidental climactic calamities, led to mass migrations. Russia took advantage of the negative effects of the West’s war against terrorism revived bipolarism. She exploited the civil war in Syria, invaded Crimea. In this restive climate many democratic countries’ political color changed to protectionism, nationalism, or populism. Nationalism inspired by terrorism and then by mass migrations turned into radical right, populism. Different shades of autocratic regimes emerged in Venezuela in 1999, Turkey in 2003, Hungary in 2010. Far right political parties in several European countries gained grounds closer to power, particularly in Italy, Poland, Austria, France, Germany.[24]

The autocratic trend is worldwide. Pew Research revealed that the 62% of Americans and 56% of French are not satisfied with democracy. “Among young Americans, nearly a fifth think a dictatorship would be preferable.”[25] An Open Society Foundation survey revealed that “More than a third of respondents between 18 and 35 said they would support a strongman leader who would do away with elections and assemblies."[26]

In the U.S., during the last few decades, the power-hungry party politics put in motion a “populist movement”. [27] The party that came to power in 2016 promoted America’s greatness, exceptionalism, xenophobia, use of force against conspired fears like “ethnic replacement” (white supremacy), “unbiblical cultural trend” (like abortion, same sex marriage), and “socialist economy” (social assistance from public funds). “The succeeding unorthodox administration in fact, confirmed by word and action that its base and its policies are National Populist. National Populism is exactly what Italy was in 1930s leading up to WWII. All Presidential statements and appearances during 2016-20 reminded us of Mussolini, the utmost representative of fascism.” (The Changing American Social Character and Its Effect on Politics, July 2020, sociopoliticalviews.blogspot.com).

Although people voted the populist government out of office in 2020, the populist section of society (a large minority of population) did not disappear. In fact, being large in numbers, already having experienced the possibility of gaining power, they have become more encouraged and emboldened to reclaim power. The question now is not whether populism in the U.S. is possible; it already being here, the question is what to do about it. Unfortunately, we are at that inflection point. F. Wolkenstein recalls F. Panizza’s three alternatives: “breakdown of the political system”, “discrediting of political parties”, "changes in society.[28] We may end up with all the above.

Media and politicians target only Trump the demagogue for the rise of populism. Yet Trump is not a sophisticated sociopath to have a political ideology, or any conviction for that matter, to organize a social movement. He simply has an unsatiable desire to be popular; he seems to have, however, dexterity in manipulating anti-establishment people to fulfill that desire for him by any and all crooked means. The American nationalist populism did not come to power with a preconceived program. In the absence of any program, they adopted the anti-establishment crowd’s nationalist, religious, aggressive, combative stance without any single social issue objective. They are not interested in, nor capable of dealing with the interests of the people. They are consumed only with fighting and destroying the establishment. It thus became a “social movement”, which is not seeking “equilibrium”, a “consensus building approach”, it is a revolutionary and destructive movement.[29]

This social order defiant mass constitutes at least 20% of voters, not a small minority. Therefore, even if you were to take their leader out of the equation this social movement will continue to exist as a political force. Tyranny by such a large minority may prevail at the peril of much social damage in a society that already has some social and institutional weaknesses to facilitate their success. Their oft expressed deification (reference is to ‘orange Jesus’) of their leader may end the system in fascism. As to the rational majority, they do not dare to point the finger at and blame that large portion of their fellow citizens. Optimists expect public rationality will prevail. But the majority forgets that force is more powerful than wisdom. In fact, we are frequently informed by the media about desertions from Congress, State legislatures, and officers in charge of elections under frustration and/or intimidation by the anti-establishment minority. This is the real “replacement theory” in action. The result could be the disposal of democracy in the name of democracy.

President J. Biden stood at the Statuary Hall of Congress on the first anniversary of Jan. 6 insurrection in Washington D.C., and said “At this moment, we must decide. What kind of nation are we going to be? Are we going to be a nation that accepts political violence as a norm?”. Media sounds a crescendo alarm that it may be the latter. Presumably because we do not need a majority or an organized force to start a civil war. Short of a civil war, a protracted, metastasized adversarial divide plunging the country into an economic disaster, social unrest, and foreign power threats cannot be ruled out also considering the proclivity of the anti-establishment crowd to violence, free flow of all sorts of firearms, inflexible originalist/textualist understanding of basic laws by the judiciary, which blocks possible legislative solutions to problems.

B)    Unreasonable election procedures

Participation in U.S. elections is low in comparison to other advanced countries.  Participation in 2020 elections, which was considered to be better than the average, was reported to have been 67%, and the vote count was 155 mil. out of about 206 mil. eligible voters. (80 mil. of the estimated 331 mil. population were not eligible to vote -74.2 mil. under the age of 18; 5.1 mil. felons). But about 50 mil. out of 206 eligible, about 25%, must have declined to vote. Of course, less participation skews the democratic representation in one direction or the other. One reason for the low turnout may be the frequency of elections.[30] Getting caught up in a continuous political wrangling and constantly being in a position to discern the truth and facts from mis and disinformation do understandably cause voter fatigue.

Discrepancies in the ratio of the number of representatives to the number of populations of states they represent skew the representation weight of states. In 2020 elections, California with the highest population of 39,538,223 sent 52 representatives to the House. This makes 761,091 residents per representative. Wyoming, the state with the lowest number of populations of 576,851 sent 1 representative to the House. A state in the middle range of population like Massachusetts with a population of 7,029,917 sent 9 representatives, which makes 781,497 residents per representative. The difference between the representation weight of Massachusetts and Wyoming in the House is about 35% to the disadvantage of Massachusetts, and about 31% to that of California. Representation of States in the Senate may also be skewed in favor of one party or the other, if both Senators are from the same party. In such an event in Wyoming, for example, the state would have an incomparable weight in favor of one party in both chambers. Clarity must be brought to whether Congressional elections are for equal representation of states or for demographic weight of states.

Frequent gerrymandering by the political party in power is yet another political manipulation of public representation. This problem has been under continuous scrutiny and changes without a final solution or much improvement.

Another major problem with the election procedure is the oddity that ballots are prepared. They give the impression to the voter that he/she is voting for the president and VP, although his/her “vote” is for a choice for the Electors to vote for President and VP (CA Code 6901 and 13103(b)(2); NY Code 6-102 and 7-104.3(a); VA Code 24.2-614). Electors are “appointed” by state legislatures and are not bound by the voters’ choice when they are voting for President (Constitutional Article II.1.2). Granted that a majority of states (33) require their Electors to vote along the choice of the majority of voters; but the minority of states (17) or even if it were a single state Electors vote against the majority’s choice the Constitutional fiat will not change. Nowhere in the Constitution is it provided that presidential election would be by popular vote. States (political parties in state legislatures) power over presidential choice is also specified in Articles XX.3 and 4, whereby in the case of no presidential candidate receives the majority of the electors the House of Representatives will elect from among the three candidates with highest votes, but with one vote for each state. Another important constitutional point that confirms the precedence of states legislatures over the President is in Article II.2.2, whereby executive powers are bestowed on him/her by States.  All these provisions make clear that the President is the President of states; this is the consequence of the federative nature of the Constitution. Therefore, the practice of ballots giving the impression of popular voting for presidency is misleading the voters and allows the public and the media to claim a discrepancy between the presidential election results and the so-called “popular vote”. In effect, there is no popular voting for President in contravention of the Constitution.

C)    Bureaucratic peculiarities

The long time allowed for the presidential transition period after the election is prone to the creation of unnecessary difficulties. The outgoing government is a lame duck during the two and a half months in question, particularly if either the presidency or one or both legislative chambers change hands between parties. Taking the right decision would be chaotic, should a very urgent and important national emergency arise during that period. It can also give plenty of time to a contentious outgoing President to take undemocratic or vindictive actions (as we witnessed after the 2020 elections). Shortening the transitional period to the extent possible could reduce the possibility of such difficulties.

The regularly exercised privilege of incoming administrations to replace about 4.000 government officials, who have the experience in and dedication to public service, adversely effects the provision of public services, smooth transition, and institutional memory provided by bureaucracy for the undisturbed continuation of government business.[31] Confirmation processes of higher officials, especially involving judiciary positions, seems to have locked the system in a two-party competition. Such practice allows calling officials and judges inappropriately Democrats or Republicans. The political labeling of officials is a gross violation of independence of public and national service. All these practices slipped into the system with occasional party machinations in Congress, which cause unwelcome and unnecessary frictions and delays in addressing substantive matters before Congress. This practice of politicization of bureaucracy is an excessive empowerment of the legislative branch over the executive.

D) Constitutional constrains

Some of the weaknesses of democracy arise from the Constitution. Therefore, the defense of democracy requires possible amendment or in the absence thereof its appropriate interpretation.

The Constitution notes in its objectives the establishment of a union, justice, domestic peace, common defense, promotion of general welfare, and security of liberty. The wording of objectives suggest that the Constitution was inspired by the Articles of Confederation, which was adopted by the Continental Congress of thirteen states to fight for liberation from the British reign as a Union of independent states. In fact, the signatories of the Constitutional document affixed their signatures with the statement, “by the unanimous consent of the States present”.

Although the Constitution was submitted to state legislatures for ratification (presumably seeking people’s representatives vote), wording throughout the Constitution makes it clear that it was conceived strictly for the formation of the Union and organization of relations between the federal and “independent states”. Central state’s powers were subordinated to that of states. There is no reference to a type of regime for governance, except obliquely in Art. IV Section 4, “The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union a republican form of government” (curiously there is no mutual guarantee by states).

Democracy is not mentioned, but freedoms and rights were introduced as limitations on state power in the first amendments to the Constitution as the Bill of Rights. More importantly, Articles IX and X of the Bill of Rights recognize rights “retained by the people” and “powers… reserved … to the people”. We can thus rest assured that democratic principles are constitutionally protected. And the Constitution provides for the possibility of amending it.

But the Constitution having been conceived as an inter-state commitment of sovereignty rather than national sovereignty, amendments become very difficult. Thus, the republican regime and democratic principles are anchored in the Constitution but with a loose central authority to ensure their preservation.

In sum: Flaws in election procedures like in the organization of voting, gerrymandering and presidential election, the politicization of appointments of officials in bureaucracy and the judiciary are detrimental to trust in democracy.

The defense of democracy to conform to contemporary changes requires amendments to the Constitution. Democratic principles are anchored in the Bill of Rights amendments, and the Constitution provides for the possibility of amending it. But the Constitution having been conceived as an inter-state commitment of sovereignty rather than national sovereignty, amendments become prohibitively difficult.   

II. Saving democracy from itself

1.     Social (Enhancement of civic knowledge)

A)   Trust in Government, Association with governance

The preservation of democracy, i.e. freedoms, rights, and equality, is not the responsibility of republican governments alone, by definition it is also the responsibility of the people. There are two critical requirements from citizens for democracy to function true to its principles and be protected against saboteurs from within and without: a will to associate themselves with self-governance (republican regime), or association with common interests (which A. de Tocqueville called the science of association) and an adequate level of intellectual qualification to establish that association.

The revolutionary historical argument given for the distrust of government by the American society is not supported by the fact that the distrust is against the central government but not local governments, and that the revolution was against a colonial ruler in old times long past, that it is no longer valid. U.S. is no longer a union of states remotely and comfortably tucked away from the rest of the world between two oceans. Now, there are many contemporary reasons for a strong central government. A change in mentality will substantially help better self-governance.

It is very difficult to discern a common specific identity, a social bind in such a racially, ethnically, culturally diverse, politically resistant-to-compromise society as the U.S. It is difficult to form unity in the presence of continued immigration that spawns constant addition to races, ethnicities, and cultures. The introduction of artificial elements of unity becomes necessary. Those presently available are allegiance to the rule of law, and economic opportunity. Therefore, a just and strong law enforcement and judicial system, and a liberal economic system are indispensably and uniquely important in the special case of the U.S.

Ever increasing narco-addiction is clearly a public health issue. As such it is a governmental basic duty to fight against drugs, as if fighting a biological pandemic.

Gun violence, on the other hand, is not a mental problem as many people claim it to be. It is not a public health matter, but a public safety matter. As such, it is also a governmental duty. Yet bizarrely, governments are impeded by some groups and the judiciary to discharge that duty. The legally unreasonable and politically biased interpretation of Second Amendment is the source of this unacceptably shameful carnage characteristic to the U.S. Any legal text, the Constitution, first and foremost, must be interpreted and applied with a view to the public’s best interest. The civil use of firearms, being lethal objects, must be regulated, like hazardous materials, cars, etc. are regulated. They must be subject to registration, license, and insurance requirements. This decades-long carnage, which constitutes one of public sorrow and anger, degradation of civility, and international embarrassment must have the highest urgency in any Congress’ agenda.  A rational interpretation by justices of Article II of the Constitution, and concomitantly improving the intellectual level of the relevant section of the society are imperative.

In this respect, the definition of freedoms in general may also come to question. Uninhibited freedom is a recipe for a disorderly society, hence grievances, hence invitation to an authoritarian rule. The regulation of guns and definition of freedoms being Constitutional issues, they are further discussed below. Clear definitions of freedoms could delineate their limits to help avoid freedoms’ abuses.

As to possible solutions to problems raised by immigration, they, being a growing international issue, must be addressed internationally by clearly distinguishing them from refugees and determining the legal status of asylum seekers. In the interim, in the U.S. immigration must be limited to those who formally apply for residence, and to refugees for temporary residence. Asylum seekers should not be referred to a judicial review, but to an administrative review by border officials on the spot, just like passport officers do for regular travelers. If a border official would need legal decision, he/she may seek it from the court of area jurisdiction, while keeping the asylum seeker in detention. With this type of procedure releasing asylum seekers in the country as “illegal immigrants” to await court appearance could be avoided.

B) Equality

Social inequalities occur generally in differences of opportunities or services in education, work, health, property, or justice. Failure in the observance of equality of opportunity, services or rights understandably causes discontent and distrust in government. It is, therefore, prosaic to state that the avoidance of such failures, and consequently of public grievances that constitute a potential threat to democracy, is solely and completely a matter of good governance.

Furthermore, the private sector, being the origin of economic inequalities, must be expected to share responsibility with governments, and cooperate with the latter for achieving equality. Responsibly operating business would obviate legislative or executive interventions.

Several thinkers were of the view that equality in democracy would be tantamount to mediocrity. Some even went so far as to suggesting governance by intellectuals alone (Gramsci). This observation brings to mind the need for the majority of well-informed citizens for equitable and well-reasoned decisions. The long practiced 51% majority may be a source of dissatisfactions and inequality, because 51% majority’s decision means the view or vote of 49% is ignored. This is a very large minority to neglect, and a very small margin for inequality. The concept of majority is abused in a variety of fields. For example, as mentioned above the votes of the majority of states’ Electors are overruled by the votes of the minority Electors, or one Senator can withhold the promotion of about 400 military officers against the overwhelming majority of his colleagues.

An agreement on an appropriate proportion for the definition of majority may be difficult to reach, but starting to debate it will be the right option.

 

C) Humanities Education

The term “education” used in this essay needs clarification, because it does not mean secondary or tertiary school diploma only. It means elevating the general knowledge and the intellectual level of people, an education based on rational and critical thinking, and forming enlightened citizen body.

“Education in this context means cultivation of the mind to become as knowledgeable and rational as possible about the inter-relation and inter-dependency between humans and their social environment. It may be termed as being a “learned person” in addition to being otherwise professionally or vocationally educated person. Training the thinking, behavior, and worldview of people towards responsible, humanist, rational, progressive, and environmentalist direction is the most important instrument for improving the civilizational level. It has been long overdue to break the shackles of the traditional approach to education, to be able to think outside the envelope (or the box) we sealed ourselves in, and rethink the education system. It is of the utmost importance and urgency that all education without an all-encompassing worldview, but with exceptionalist, absolutist, determinist thus divisive nature, like religious, racist, or nationalist education, must be banned for good. In addition, all specialized (professional) education must be preceded with learning the consequences of our actions on the social environment (humanist and rational thinking ability).” (Civilization Queried, sociopoliticalviews.blogspot.com, February 2015)

Such education starts at home, within the family, which also makes the parental acquisition of this knowledge paramount. Society cannot get out of its current shameful state with immature parents. Education in this sense is, therefore, a generational issue. An effective, national public informational campaign may be considered for achieving such a large endeavor.

The medieval, socially self-destructive practice of home schooling must be a large contributor to the improper state of educational level of a country among the most industrially advanced. In any other advanced country such uncontrolled practice in a very important social matter like education would be banned as a national and social threat. People’s education, like public health, food safety, consumer protection, public safety are within the responsibilities of governments. Not to provide the same service for intellectual development is abdication of public service duty. National interests must overrule any argument offered in defense of this devastating primitive practice. Reasons given by parents not sending their children to regular schools must be addressed by the government, instead of shifting this service over to parents or to some dubious uncontrolled unprofessional so-called educators. Raising generations with the latest scientific information, with inquisitive creative minds, and with rational and moral foundation is the only way to prosperity and peace of societies.

The reintroduction of humanities subjects in secondary school curricula is key to raising the intellectual level to the minimum necessary level. Basic knowledge like civics, national values and interests, sociology, world cultures, humanity, and philosophy are taken for granted, while professional/technical knowledge takes over the entire field of education. Professional education alone, even at its level of excellence, is not conducive to preparing the individual for a democratic society, and for governing him/herself. Because professional education prepares the person solely for egocentric personal livelihood. Education in social interactions prepares the individual to be an altruistic participant in the prosperity and peace of society where he/she finds the comfort of living. The suggestion is not to make the same mistake of overemphasizing empirical sciences, but to adopt a balanced approach of providing both empirical and social sciences. In short, the type of education to develop a knowledgeable citizen prior to becoming a professional, is fundamental for the success of society and democracy, not only of him/herself.[32] 

A wealth of scholarly opinions leaves no doubt about how fundamental it is to have an enlightened citizenry for the success of democracy: [33]

T. Jefferson thought “well informed” public can govern well.

E. Durkheim lectured; rational people constitute the democratic society.

C. Willeck and T. Mendelberg’s view is, “enlightened population” is the strength of democracy.

H. Entwistel makes a convincing attestation/demonstration that election right alone is not democracy; for liberal education (education of “the whole of human knowledge”) is what makes an individual a real participant in ruling the country.

M. Oakeshott added that participation in democracy necessitates knowledge of politics of other countries.

L. Krauss and R. Dawkins were of the opinion that a civilized society needed to get rid of ignorance.

Finally, it is remarkable that Commonwealth of Virginia Constitution provides: “Government and progress rest on knowledge … by an effective system of education.” Article I Section 15.

We may add to this abridged selective list Atatürk’s view that “Science and knowledge are the guides for the nation’s political and social life”.[34]

Humanities curriculum has an added value, in that philosophy teaching has the component of ethics. In a highly diverse and combative society without an identifiable ethos such as the U.S., ethics has a very important role to play in personal judgements, particularly in public and civic relations, discourse, acts, and decisions.

Montesquieu’s view that virtue is the soul of democracy is well known.

E. Durkheim lectured that social actions must have moral discipline.[35]

A. Einstein considered that humanity’s civilization depended on moral forces that comes from people educated in their early years.[36]

W. Lippman observes, unless a man is educated and acquired wisdom he becomes a grown-up child, “that life owes him something”. Moral values developed by human experiences are to be learned.[37]

In sum: A public education on clarification of freedoms must be launched , as well as on outdated culture of distrust in Central government, and on people’s association with governance. Corrective actions for social afflictions must be recognized as governmental responsibility. Private sector’s cooperation with government against economic disparities must be encouraged. Education system must be subjected to a serious review of modernization.  

2.     Normative (Strengthening democracy)

Reliance by people solely on government leads to the accumulation of power in the hands of a few special interest groups, like political parties or corporations, hence totalitarianism, or oligarchy, minority tyranny, majority despotism. Political parties become too powerful to be led by the people. Politicians keep in contact with their constituents for being elected or re-elected, but once they get back to work, they have to walk the party line, which is the unwavering line of grabbing or staying in power. Electors’ expectations and national interests take the back seat.[38] Consequently, governance by the people required by democracy turns into governance by party (a long time ago, a good friend called such system ‘partycracy’).

In the best of circumstances, the democratic process purges itself by elections to render the party totalitarianism temporary. However, if people of democratic society fall asleep at the wheel, party totalitarianism may morph into populism. Populism is not temporary. Populism empowered by masses presumes absolute mandate and authority, including continual hold on power, hence it does not give a chance to democratic process to purge itself from populism.

In the current state of the U.S. political life some people have over-confidence in the democratic system to prevail, or they think it is not necessary to challenge the populist wave. They may be of the view that current populism and demagoguery is a passing aberration. What they overlook, however, is that even if the demagogue mouthpiece of populists disappears, a populist core of at least 20% of voters, which is a large minority of almost 40 million people, will continue to test the possibilities of grabbing power, if necessary, by treachery or force. To put it allegorically, they could test the doors of the Capitol again. The only way of avoiding the surrender of democracy to populism is for the non-populist majority to be courageous and determined enough to make use of all people-power available to them to avert populist takeover of power, like improving the election procedures, the stature of bureaucracy, and the Constitution.

A) Fair election procedures

A low number of participants in elections does not do service to democracy. It gives, in fact, a chance to occasional manifestation of democracy’s potential weaknesses. Countries around the world address that problem in different ways. Voting can be made mandatory by imposing a small pecuniary fine, and the voting process can be made as easy as possible like extending voting period, voting by mail, voting day holiday, or increasing voting locations. The organization of elections in the U.S., mostly falling under the authority of states, simplifying voting method may be made by a joint conference of all the states.

Since the type of the central State is a states-federation, dominance of states in central governance by their equal representation is unavoidable. But to conform to republican and democratic principles the House of Representatives must be reserved for the representation of their local constituents, not of their states. Gerrymandering must be eliminated. Election districts’ boundaries may be reviewed prior to every national election by independent commissions, which should include census specialists, not state legislatures.

The resolution of these matters requires bi-partisan agreements in both chambers of Congress, making a change very difficult, if not impossible.

B) Bureaucracy’s strength

If the legislature is the heart of government, and the judiciary the brain, the executive is the moving parts of the system. The neurol system that moves the parts is the bureaucracy. It must be healthy and strong to ensure continuity and efficiency in administration, to avoid interruption, delay, or malfunction in services to public, to ensure consistency, objectivity and equity in administrative decisions, credibility of and trust in government. These qualifications require political independence of bureaucracy.[39]

Responsibilities of bureaucracy are endangered particularly at times of transfer of power between the outgoing and incoming political parties. Consistency, objectivity and equity in decisions and actions must be guaranteed by preserving the institutional memory and impartiality of bureaucracy. The practice of incoming administrations to replace officials must be limited to higher echelon officials only and disallowing the replacement of staff solely on political grounds.

Two and a half months interval between the elections and the new administration taking office instituted for possible challenges to elections and for transition of power may be abused by a one term President or by any unruly President, as we witnessed after the 2020 elections. It may be prudent to shorten this dangerous lame duck period of the outgoing administration. The dates for the convening of the newly elected Congress and the President’s assumption of duties having been determined in the Constitution, the election date can be reconsidered by Congress for shortening the transitional period.

These difficulties, not involving constitutional provisions, may be resolved by cooperative action in Congress. As J. Bentham advised better progress could be made in social issues, if questions of fact were to be addressed instead of questions of principle.[40]

C) Constitution is to secure democratic principles

Some actions that may be taken to protect democracy from turning into populism are by amendments to constitutional provisions, as mentioned above.

There is an oft repeated view that democracy is an experiment. This view may have taken life because its proponents, aware of never having succeeded in securely mooring democracy for good, took refuge in this apologetic expression. Democracy should not be subject to trial and error. If we want freedoms, rights and equality democracy is to be cherished, protected, and strengthened against its foibles. Democratic principles are anchored in the Constitution as indisputable reference points for republican governance.   

Where constitutions are adopted by public referendum, they are commitments between people to define their choice of governance reflecting their interests and values. In the case of the U.S. the Constitution being that of the union of states the commitment is for the union and as well as for each state to govern with a republican regime respecting individual rights and freedoms (democracy). Accordingly, it is the responsibility of the Federal and all the states, not of the people, to ensure that the democratic principles anchored in the Constitution effectively serve the contemporary (evolving) interests and values of the public.

Yet, the Court (at least the current politicized Court gutted with conservative judges) reads and understands as it was written to meet the needs of a society of centuries ago. Textualists must be reminded that even the language has changed over time by society’s usage. And originalists must be reminded that the Constitutional provisions were conceived with the knowledge and for the needs prevailing at the time of their writing. Such anti-democratic methods of legal interpretation by the Court are the imprint of conservative justices appointed by conservative Presidents. District Judge Carlton W. Reeves’ ruling in relation to a Supreme Court decision regarding gun rights made a very articulate and powerful point about the wisdom of subjecting generations to the power of “the dead hand of the past”.[41]

“Constitutional provisions are found either applicable to contemporary circumstances or may be amended as foreseen in its Article V. The application of this Article is just as an important duty as the observance of any other Article of the Constitution.” (The Sequel on the Challenges to American Democracy, sociopoliticalviews.blogspot.com). And “the Constitution itself provides that it is an amendable document and was amended substantially (ten Articles) soon after its adoption (within four years) and two more times soon thereafter (1794 and 1803). After about fifty years of hiatus, there were three amendments in 1860s, after about another fifty years of hiatus four in 1910s, followed by twice in 1930s, once in 1947, and thrice in 1960s. But, in 57 years since the last amendment the American polity either thought that the Constitution reached its perfection or did not care or dare to re-read the Constitution in the light of the social and technological leaps in the last fifty years.” (The Dilemma of the American Democracy, sociopoliticalviews.blogspot.com).

Strangely, it is a near impossibility to amend the U.S. Constitution. It is reported that out of twelve thousand proposed amendments during the life of the Constitution only thirty-three were submitted to states for ratification, of which twenty-seven were ratified.[42] In the absence of the ability to amend the Constitution, its due interpretation by the Supreme Court gains utmost importance.

Unfortunately, we cannot expect the Congress or the judiciary ex officio to attempt to depoliticize the Court.[43] A general civil society activism (not wives of justices on their husbands) may exert pressure on the Congress to take the necessary measures to depoliticize the Court and also introduce age limit for justices. The best measure may be to take away the power of “appointment” of justices from the President and to give the power of “electing” them to the Conference of Chief Justices, without, of course, Senate’s “advice and consent”.

In sum: Flaws in organizing elections may be improved by cooperative action of states. Fairer determination of election districts may be achieved by independent commissions in states. Bureaucracy must be depoliticized to achieve its independence and efficiency.

Matters requiring amendments to the Constitution have no chance of improvement because the nature of the Constitution makes its amendment prohibitively difficult, unless the Supreme Court interprets it in favor of democratic principles instead with an outdated notion of textualism and originalism.

Conclusion

It is believed in comparatively advanced societies that democracy is the best political concept of governing in the interest of the people. This cursory review of the current state of democracy demonstrates that it is inflicted with an inherent self-destructive element, and that its survival is dependent upon action by its creators, owners, beneficiaries, and gatekeepers who are called the people.

The U.S. is a republic that chose right at the outset to govern by the republican system with democratic principles. The Constitution rightly defines the governance by and for the people. As to by, it is a fact that people may be of many different levels of ability to govern themselves. For successful governance, we need people to be at the adequate level of knowledge to govern. (Allegorically, we need doctors and administrators to run an insane asylum for good care of patients, not entrusting it to the insane themselves.)

As to for, it should mean nothing other than the interest of the people. Interests of the people by definition does not allow democracy to self-destruct. Assumption of governance for the people brings with it the related responsibility, hence a duty (not an experiment) of the people to protect democratic governance, eliminate its inherent self-destructive ills by conforming to the changing interests of the society.

However, while some improvements in the system seem possible if public pressure on the one hand and Congressional willingness on the other would prevail, problems that require Constitutional amendments do not seem to stand a chance. An organized massive civil activism may be able to implore the Supreme Court to recognize the supremacy of public interest over the text of the Constitution when reading and interpreting it.

The populist social movement will have in the intervening period plenty of opportunity to firmly establish itself. Trump made it crystal clear in his statements that if in fact he comes back to power his management will be autocratic, and we may add to that it will be chaotic as well. Yet, if he fails to come back to power his followers will cause violence and chaos anyway.

The country does not seem to have a good alternative. It remains to ask both the populist masses and those who are waiting for God’s intervention what is better: To go over the cliff with an “authority defiant” crowd following a dem(on)gogue or to form a wide and powerful civil activism to force the government’s all three branches to take measures in defense of democracy as the Constitution charged them with?

December 2023

[4] More than 100.000, New York Times on-line September 11, 2023

[5] Marijuana is getting out of hand. The federal government must step in, Washington Post on-line, August 17, 2023

[7] L. Lipson, The Ethical Crises of Civilization, Sage 1993

[8] Quantifying the rise of America’s far right. The extremists are becoming more deadly. The ideology is becoming more mainstream. The Economist. April 25, 2023

[9] https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/

[10]https://www.socialprogress.org/static/8a62f3f612c8d40b09b3103a70bdacab/2022%20Social%20Progress%20Index%20Executive%20Summary_4.pdf

[12]  Men are lost. Here’s a map out of the wilderness, Washington Post on-line, By Christine Emba July 10, 2023.

Also Jon Marcus, The Economist on-line, January 22, 2022

[13] H. Grunwald, The American Century, Time, October 8, 1990, p.46-51

[14] Home-school Nation, Home schooling’s rise from fringe to fastest-growing form of education, Washington Post on-line, Peter Jamison, et.al., Oct. 31, 2023. See also the rest of the serial reports.

[15] Washington Post Investigation on Homeschooling,  Peter Jamison, May 30, 2023

[16] For many home-schoolers, parents are no longer doing the teaching, Washington Post on-line by Laura Meckler, August 17, 2023

[17] What the 2020 electorate looks like by party, race and ethnicity, age, education and religion, by John Gramlich, NYT, October 26, 2020

 Christian nationalists - wanting to put God into US government, by Barbara Plett Usher, BBC News, Tennessee

[18] See other articles in the same Washington Post series, August 20, 2023

[19] Men’s groups are embracing an alternative conception of American masculinity, Washington Post on-line by Tara Bahrampour August 13, 2023

[20] “The high school class of 2023 received the lowest ACT test scores since 1991, a sixth year of consecutive decline. NYT Oct. 12, 2023

[21] A. N. Whitehead, Science and the Modern World, Mentor Books 1959

[22] A. Kronman, Education’s End, Yale Un. Press 2007

[23] H. Woodhouse, Russell and Chomsky as Advocates of Humanistic Education, Philosophical Inquiry in Education, Volume 27 (2020), No. 2, pp. 135–152

[24] A fresh wave of hard-right populism is stalking Europe, The Economist September 14, 2023

[25] Why Africans are Loosing Faith in Democracy, The Economist, October5, 2023

[26]  Chaos in Congress, Washington Post, October 6, 2023

[27] There is an excellent analysis of populism by C. Mudde & C.R. Kaltwasser, Populism in Europe and the Americas, Threat or Corrective for Democracy, Cambridge Un. Press 2012.

Another good discussion of populism may be found in Populism, liberal democracy and the ethics of peoplehood, Fabio Wolkenstein, European Journal of Political Theory, November 20, 2016

For populism’s threat to democracy see Populism as a Threat to Liberal Democracy, Stefan Rummens, The Oxford Handbook of Populism Nov 2017, on line.

[28] F. Wolkenstein Populism, liberal democracy and the ethics of peoplehood, November 20,2016, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1474885116677901

[29] B. Useem and J. Goldstone, Theory and Society, Springer 9/8/2021, https://org/10.1007/s/1186-021-09460-2

[31] ibid

 [32] C. Willeck and T. Mendelberg, Education and Political Participation, Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 25:89-110, May 2022

[33] Thomas Jefferson to Richard Price, January 8, 1789, Library of Congress, Quotes

    E. Durkheim, Lecon de Sociologie-Physique des Moeurs et du Droit, Cituri 1950, pp.101,110,112

    C. Willeck and T. Mendelberg, idem

    H. Entwistle, Paideusis 11(1), (Fall) 1997

    M. Oakeshott, Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays, Liberty Fund 1991, p. 64

    W. Ebenstein, Inroduction to Political Philosophy, Rinehart Co, 1952

    A.N. Whitehead, Science and the Modern World (1948)

[34] M. Camcigil, “Atatürk’s Thought” A Political Theory of Progress and Peace, Atatürk Society of America, 2020 p.49

[35] Durkheim, supra, p.16

[36] A. Einstein, The World As I See It, Citadel Press 1984, pp. 50, 52

[37] W. Lippman, Preface to Morals, Time Inc. 1964, pp. 171-173

[38] J. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, Harpers & Brothers, 1950, pp. 288-290

[39] Ibid, p. 293

[40] W. Ebenstein, Intro. To Philosophy, Rinehart & Co. 1952, p. 175

[41] A U.S. district judge calls the Supreme Court’s bluff on gunsRuth Marcus, Washington Post, July 7, 2023

[42] American democracy is cracking. These forces help explain why,  Dan Balz and Clara Ence Morse, Washington Post, August 18, 2023

[43] Brings disrespect, David Leonhardt NYT February 22, 2022